拍賣筆記 vol.495 蘇富比香港2026：商代殷墟青銅隰尊，36字銘文，或為帝辛紂王時期，萬古之幽專場 - Sotheby’s HK 2026, The Bronze Xi Zun, Late Shang dynasty, Yinxu period IV, likely the reign of Di Xin, the last king of the Shang
從這件器物的銘文的字體、字數和排列風格（行氣）綜合判斷，可以首先將年代鎖定在商代最末期到西周最早期這一小段時間裡。商代晚期，武丁婦好的時代長銘文極為罕見，直到商代最末期，銘文中的所謂「文章」的格式才見雛形：已知兩件被學界公認為可能是帝辛（紂王）時期的商代最末期的青銅器 —— 泉屋博古館「宰椃角」、舊金山亞洲藝術博物館「小臣艅犀尊」，均擁有30字左右的銘文；西周最早期的中國國家博物館「利簋」亦有類似長銘文，字體風格上，行氣上，均有如出同一工坊的相似度。因此，這件器物的年代區間可以基本鎖定在商代最末——西周最早的這小段時間。
銘文：
辛未 婦尊宜 在闌太室 王饗酒奏庸 新宜坎
在六月 鮋十終三朕 隰前 王賞 用作父乙彝 大万
銘文中有幾個點較為引人注目：
一，有較為明確的紀年，可確認在「在六月辛未」這一天，可以和宰椃角、小臣艅犀尊關聯對比時間的先後；
二，提到了「婦」，若年代落在武丁婦好的時代則大部分被歸為「婦好」，而若歸為商代最末的帝辛，則藏家更熱衷歸為被西周乃止現代人詬病的「妲己」，由於婦好墓從未被盜而保存完好，整體展示和宣傳也十分充分，再加上婦好的名氣，任何與婦好沾邊的青銅器都有很大的溢價。雖然妲己和紂王的故事大概率是西周人所編撰，但也因此而名揚歷史，所以婦如果是妲己關聯，則對器物本身是極大的加分；
三，王，可能是紂王。前文提及已知不太可能是武丁婦好時期；而若為西周最早期，比如利簋，王的提及是「武（珷）王」開頭。紂王可能性大；
四，內容涉及「饗酒奏庸」，把音樂和祭祀聯繫起來，這裡面涉及的是組合大鐃的演奏和舞蹈，而實際上這類可能帶有軍事儀式感的舞蹈，至少在春秋時期禮樂崩壞時已失傳，到秦始皇焚書坑儒後則絕對失傳。若為紂王，這種歌舞昇平的日子，也許可稱為歷史材料中對其生活方式的佐證；
五，提到「闌」地，郭沫若最先認為「闌」是地名，隨後經過幾十年的研究，目前學界共識已經基本確定是商王十分重要的祭祀場所所在地，但對其確切所在地，特別是在安陽，還是在朝歌，不同學者有幾十種不同的意見，參考王秋生財新專欄《阮元的宰椃角為什麼重要》一文。另外于省吾認為「闌」是「管」，位於鄭州，已經基本被排除，有學者已經通過利簋銘文中的部隊來回抵達時間，推測管的距離太遠。
六，「闌」的寫法，與利簋的「闌」的寫法幾乎一致，這點可以推測兩件器物的時間較爲接近，至少比不同寫法的宰椃角（「闌」寫為「束閒」）更靠近利簋。這件器物是不是商代最後一個銘文，也變成有趣的研究，此前有學者提出宰椃角或者為商代最後的銘文。「闌」的寫法有若干種，泉屋博物館截至目前的官方解讀仍為「束閒」，並沒有把不同字體的「闌」地聯繫起來。
總體而言，學者們對器物的商代末期的定代沒有爭議。對于器主，吳鎮烽、李學勤的意見不統一，前者認為是「隰」，後者認為是「魚」。關於樂舞中的「十終三朕」，學者大方向基本沒有爭議，只是在小細節比如認為十終，十次、十個小節這類有一些不同的解釋。大万，是舞人的領隊，這點沒有爭議。婦，大多學者認為是紂王的妃，應該是一群妃，沒有學者鎖定妲己，但她的可能性也同時不完全排除。（SACA觀察，2026.10.23）
隰尊
商末 殷墟四期 或帝辛世（公元前約1075年-前約1046年）
三十六字銘文推斷為記載或於公元前1051年六月二十二日所行饗酒之禮
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Estimate
15,000,000 - 30,000,000 HKD
Description
26.3 cm
上手圖：
來源
紐約私人收藏，據青銅皮殼判定，應為第二次世界大戰前組建之收藏
御雅居，香港，約2008年購於上述處
重要亞洲私人收藏
展覽
《北京東方藝術品博覽會》，北京展覽館，北京，2013年
《吉金御賞》，御雅居，香港，2016年
出版
吳鎮烽，〈隰尊銘文初探〉，《復旦大學出土文獻與古文字研究中心（網站論文）》，上海，2014年，頁2
中央研究院歷史語言研究所，《殷周金文暨青銅器資料庫（網站）》，台北，2014年，編號NB1214
陳致，〈詩經新視野〉，《國學新視野》，期9，香港，2015年，頁33
朱鳳瀚，〈新見商金文考釋（二篇）〉，《出土文獻與古文字研究》，輯6，上海，2015年，頁124
陳致：〈海昏侯墓所見子田允父乙卣試釋〉，《江西師範大學學報（哲學社會科學版）》，期5，南昌，2016年，頁11
李家浩，〈大万尊銘文釋讀〉，《出土文獻》，輯八，上海，2016年，頁37
李學勤，〈魚尊銘文簡釋〉，《中原文化研究》，期4，鄭州，2016年，頁11
吳鎮烽，《商周青銅器銘文暨圖像集成續編》，卷3，上海，2016年，編號0790及卷1，頁2
御雅居，《吉金御賞》，香港，2016年，編號1
陳絜及王旭東，〈2016年的先秦史研究〉，《中國史研究動態》，期6，北京，2017年，頁14
孫亞冰，〈甲骨文、金文研究綜述〉，《中國考古學年鑑》，北京，2017年，頁125
夏奇艷，〈試論商代的舞蹈文化〉，《中華文化論壇》，期11，成都，2017年，頁82
付強，〈隰尊銘文再釋〉，《復旦大學出土文獻與古文字研究中心（網站論文）》，上海，2018年，頁1
胡寧，〈從隰尊銘文看晚商儀式用樂〉，《中原文化研究》，河南，2018年，頁107
馬超，〈試說隰尊銘文中的「之同」字〉，《學行堂語言文字論叢》，重慶，2018年，頁27
末次信行，〈御尊〉，《漢字學研究》，號6，京都，2018年，頁48
左勇，〈隰尊銘文與商代詩樂〉，《出土文獻》，輯15，上海，2019年，頁46
何家興，〈殷商甲骨與樂學探源〉，《江淮論壇》，期6，合肥，2020年，頁155
劉源，〈論殷金文的特徵體系〉，《故宮博物院院刊》，期11，北京，2020年，頁52
白嘉慧，〈利簋銘文所涉𫴨地地望考辨〉，《文博》，期6，西安，2021年，頁71
陳致，〈新見父乙尊（觚）銘試釋〉，《半部學術史，一位李先生——李學勤先生學術成就與學術思想國際研討會論文集》，北京，2021年，頁435及沈培，〈答陳致《新見父乙尊（觚）銘試釋》〉，頁444-445、董珊，〈答陳致《新見父乙尊（觚）銘試釋》〉，頁446-447
藪敏裕著，劉海宇譯，〈從甲骨金文資料看《毛詩》中的「万舞」——以《邶風‧簡兮》篇爲中心〉，《青銅器與金文》，輯7，北京，2021年，頁22
劉源，〈商末至西周早期賜貝研究——兼論冊命制度的歷史淵源〉，《歷史研究》，期5，北京，2022年，頁55
張惟捷：〈從甲骨金文看「瞽」、「万」的文化特色與相關問題〉，《復旦大學出土文獻與古文字研究中心（網站論文）》，上海，2022年，頁30
張秀華，〈隰尊所見饗禮研究〉，《古籍整理研究學刊》，期3，2022年，頁72
周寶宏，〈新見商末金文考釋兩篇〉，《甲骨文與殷商史》，輯12，北京，2022年，頁275
曹大志，〈論木圍欄〉，《南方文物》，期3，南昌，2023年，頁91
靳明倫，〈説商周金文「尊宜」〉，《青銅器與金文》，輯11，北京，2023年，頁18
唐际根及吳健聰，〈 商王朝宮室類建築的發現、保護與展示〉，《世界建築》，期11，北京，2023，頁35
夏虞南，〈臣辰諸器新考〉，《湖北美術學院學報》，期3，武漢，2024年，頁28
鄭凱磊，〈隰尊的紋飾及製作背景考述〉，《藝術博物館》，期6，2024年，頁4
馬康雅，〈《詩經》「錫」 「受」考〉，《荊楚學刊》，期1，荊門，2025年，頁38
夏虞南，〈以「禴祭」爲中心看殷周禮制轉向〉，《歷史研究》，期1，北京，2025年，頁73
王正原，〈晚商貴族的理想形象：來自殷墟墓葬的啓示〉，《浙江大學學報（人文社會科學版）》，期5，杭州，2026年，頁40
Based on a comprehensive analysis of the inscription's script style, word count, and arrangement (linear flow/alignment), the date of this artifact can first be narrowed down to a very specific, brief period: the very end of the Shang dynasty to the absolute beginning of the Western Zhou dynasty. During the late Shang dynasty—specifically the era of Wu Ding and Fu Hao—long inscriptions were extremely rare. It was not until the very end of the Shang dynasty that the prototypical structure of what scholarship considers "textual passages" began to emerge. Currently, two Shang dynasty bronze artifacts from this terminal period are widely recognized by the academic community as likely dating to the reign of Di Xin (King Zhou): the Zai Hao Jue (housed in the Sen-Oku Hakukokan Museum) and the Xiao Chen Yu Xi Zun (housed in the Asian Art Museum of San Francisco). Both feature inscriptions of around 30 characters. Similarly, the Li Gui from the earliest period of the Western Zhou dynasty (housed in the National Museum of China) features a long inscription of a similar nature. In terms of both script style and linear flow, these pieces share such a striking resemblance that they appear to have originated from the same workshop. Therefore, the date range for this artifact can be firmly locked into the transitional window between the very end of the Shang and the very beginning of the Western Zhou.
Several specific points within the inscription are particularly noteworthy:
Explicit Dating: It contains a relatively clear calendar date, confirming the event took place on the day of "Xinwei in the sixth month." This allows for a chronological cross-reference and comparison with the Zai Hao Jue and the Xiao Chen Yu Xi Zun.
The Mention of "Fu" (Wife/Lady): If the artifact dated to the era of Wu Ding and Fu Hao, the identity would largely be attributed to "Fu Hao." If it is attributed to Di Xin at the very end of the Shang dynasty, collectors are far more enthusiastic about associating it with Daji, a figure heavily vilified by Western Zhou contemporaries and modern people alike. Because Fu Hao’s tomb was never looted and remains perfectly preserved, its overall display and public promotion have been highly comprehensive. Combined with Fu Hao’s immense fame, any bronze artifact associated with her commands a massive premium. Although the stories surrounding Daji and King Zhou were highly likely fabricated by the people of the Western Zhou, she nevertheless became legendary in history. Consequently, if "Fu" refers to Daji, it serves as a tremendous value-add for the artifact itself.
The "Wang" (King): This likely refers to King Zhou. As previously mentioned, it is highly unlikely to date to the Wu Ding and Fu Hao period. Furthermore, if it belonged to the earliest Western Zhou period—such as the Li Gui—the mention of the king would begin with "King Wu (Wu Wang)." Therefore, the probability points toward King Zhou.
Ritual Performance Content: The text mentions "Xiang jiu zou yong" (feasting with wine and performing music on chimes), linking music directly with sacrificial rituals. This involves the performance and choreography of a set of large nao (bronze hand-bells). In reality, these types of dances, which likely carried military ceremonial significance, were lost by at least the Spring and Autumn period during the collapse of the ritual and music system (li yue beng huai). They became permanently extinct following Emperor Qin Shi Huang's burning of books and burying of scholars. If this does refer to King Zhou, such depictions of a peaceful, music-filled life could serve as historical material corroborating his lifestyle.
The Location "Lan": Guo Moruo was the first to propose that "Lan" was a place name. Following decades of subsequent research, the academic consensus has firmly established that "Lan" was a highly important sacrificial site for the Shang kings. However, regarding its exact location—specifically whether it was in Anyang or Chaoge—scholars hold dozens of differing opinions (refer to Wang Qiusheng’s Caixin column, "Why the Zai Hao Jue is Important"). Separately, Yu Xingwu posited that "Lan" meant "Guan" (located in Zhengzhou), but this theory has been largely ruled out. Some scholars have used the travel and arrival times of the military units recorded in the Li Gui inscription to deduce that Guan was simply too far away.
The Orthography of "Lan": The way "Lan" is written here is almost identical to the character for "Lan" found on the Li Gui. This suggests that the production dates of these two artifacts are very close—at the very least, closer to the Li Gui than to the Zai Hao Jue, which uses a different orthography (where "Lan" is written as "Shu Xian" [束閒]). This raises the fascinating research question of whether this artifact features the final inscription of the Shang dynasty, an honor previously claimed by some scholars for the Zai Hao Jue. There are several ways to write "Lan"; to date, the official interpretation by the Sen-Oku Hakukokan Museum remains "Shu Xian," as they have not yet linked the different script variants of the location "Lan."
Overall, there is no controversy among scholars regarding the artifact's dating to the late Shang dynasty. Regarding the owner of the vessel, the opinions of Wu Zhenfeng and Li Xueqin diverge: the former believes it to be "Xi," while the latter believes it to be "Yu." Concerning the phrase "Shi zhong san zhen" (ten finales, three presentations) in the context of the ritual dance and music, scholars agree on the general direction, offering only slightly different interpretations on minor details (e.g., whether "ten finales" refers to ten repetitions or ten musical movements). There is no dispute that "Da Wan" refers to the leader of the dancers. As for "Fu," most scholars believe she was a consort of King Zhou—likely one of a group of consorts. While no scholar has definitively locked the identity down to Daji, her involvement cannot be entirely ruled out. (SACA Insights, 2026.10.23)
The Xi Zun, a highly important documentary royal archaic bronze ritual wine vessel, Late Shang dynasty, Yinxu period IV, likely the reign of Di Xin (c. 1075–1046 BCE), the last king of the Shang dynasty, with a thirty-six-character inscription recording a ritual wine-offering banquet held on the 22nd day of the 6th month in the year corresponding to 1051 BCE
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the interior inscribed with a thirty-six-character inscription reading xin wei fu zun yi zai lan tai shi wang xiang jiu zou yong xin yi shen zai liu yue you shi zhong san zhen Xi qian wang shang yong zuo fu yi yi da wan, which may be translated as:
“In the sixth month, on the day xinwei,
the Lady conducted the zunyi rite in the Taishi at Lan;
The King then hosted the xiangjiu ceremony,
during which a newly composed song was performed
to the accompaniment of yong music;
Ten chapters were played and repeated three times.
The leader and conductor of this performance, Xi,
who belonged to the Dawan clan, was rewarded by the King.
To commemorate this important event, Xi commissioned the casting
of this ritual bronze vessel in honour of his father, Yi.”
Provenance
A New York private collection, based on the patina, likely acquired prior to the Second World War.
Joyce Gallery, Hong Kong, acquired from the above, circa 2008.
An important Asian private collection.
Exhibited
Beijing Oriental Art Expo, Beijing Exhibition Center, Beijing, 2013.
Imperial Treasures V. Archaic Bronzes from the Golden Age of China, Joyce Gallery, Hong Kong, 2016.
Literature
Wu Zhenfeng, ‘Xi Zun mingwen chutan [First study of the inscription on the Xi Zun], Fudan University Research on Chinese Excavated Classics and Paleography (website), Shanghai, 2014, p. 2.
Institute of History and Philology Academia Sinica, Digital Archives of Bronze Images and Inscriptions (website), Taipei, 2014, NB1214.
Chen Zhi, ‘Shijing xinshiye [New horizons on Classic of Poetry]’, Guoxue xinshiye / New Horizons in Chinese Culture, no. 9, Hong Kong, 2015, p. 33.
Zhu Fenghan, ‘Xinjian shang jinwen kaoshi [Study of the newly discovered Shang bronze inscriptions], Chutu wenxian yu guwenzi yanjiu [Studies of excavated texts and paleography], vol. 6, Shanghai, 2015, p. 124.
Chen Zhi, ‘Haihunhoumu suojian ziyunfuyiyou shishi / An Interpretation of the Character Yun on the Bronze You Discovered From the Tomb of Marquis of Haihun’, Jiangxi shifan daxue xuebao / Journal of Jiangxi Normal University(Philosophy and Social Sciences Edition), no. 5, Nanchang, 2016, p. 11.
Li Jiahao, ‘Da Wan Zun mingwen shidu [Deciphering the inscription of the Da Wan Zun], Chutu wenxian / Excavated Documents, vol. 8, Shanghai, 2016, p. 37.
Li Xueqin, ‘Yuzun mingwen jianshi / My Concise Interpretation of the Inscription on Yu Wine Vessel’, Zhongyuan wenhua yanjiu / The Central Plains Culture Research, vol. 4, Zhengzhou, 2016, p. 11.
Wu Zhenfeng, Shangzhou qingtongqi mingwen ji tuxiang jicheng xubian [Sequel to the compendium of inscriptions and images of bronzes from Shang and Zhou dynasties], vol. 3, Shanghai, 2016, no. 0790, and vol. 1, p. 2.
Joyce Gallery, Imperial Treasures V. Archaic Bronzes from the Golden Age of China, Hong Kong, 2016, cat. no. 1.
Chen Jie and Wang Xudong, ‘2016 de xianqinshi yanjiu / The Study of Pre-Qin History in 2016’, Zhongguoshi yanjiu dongtai / Trends of Recent Researches on the History of China, no. 6, Beijing, 2017, p. 14.
Sun Yabing, ‘Jiaguwen, jinwen yanjiu zongshu [Study of oracle bone and archaic bronze inscriptions], Zhongguo kaoguxue nianjian [Almanac of archaeology in China], Beijing, 2017, p. 125.
Xia Qiyan, ‘Shilun shangdai de wudao wenhua [Discussion on the dancing culture of the Shang dynasty], Zhonghua wenhua luntan [Forum of Chinese culture], no. 11, Chengdu, 2017, p. 82.
Fu Qiang, ‘Xi Zun mingwen zai shi [Reinterpretation of the Xi Zun’s inscription], Fudan University Research on Chinese Excavated Classics and Paleography (website), Shanghai, 2018, p. 1.
Hu Ning, ‘Cong Xi Zun mingwen kan wanshang yishi yongyue [The study of ritual music in the late Shang dynasty based on the inscription of the Xi Zun], Zhongyuan wenhua yanjiu / The Central Plains Culture Research, Henan, 2018, p. 107.
Ma Chao, ‘Shishuo Xi Zun mingwen zhongde zhiyong zi [Try to talk about the word 'zhiyong' in the inscription of Xi Zun]’, Xuexingtang yuyan wenzi luncong [Collection of essays on language and characters from the Xuexingtang], Chongqing, 2018, p. 27.
Suetsugu Nobuyuki, ‘Yuzun [Imperial vessel]’, Kanjigaku Kenkyu / Journal of Kanji Studies, no. 6, Kyoto, 2018, p. 48.
Zuo Yong, ‘Xi Zun mingwen yu shangdai shiyue [The inscription on Xi Zun and poetry and music in the Shang dynasty], Chutu wenxian / Excavated Documents, vol. 15, Shanghai, 2019, p. 46.
He Jiaxing, ‘Yinshang jiagu yu yuexue tanyuan / The Oracle Bones of the Shang Dynasty and the Origin of Musicology’, Jianghuai luntan / Jianghuai Tribune, no. 6, Hefei, 2020, p. 155.
Liu Yuan, ‘Lun yinjinwen de tezheng tixi / On The Feature System of the Yin-Dynasty Bronze Inscription’, Gugong bowuyuan yuankan / Palace Museum Journal, no. 11, Beijing, 2020, p. 52.
Bai Jiahui, ‘Li Gui mingwen suoshe landi diwang kaobian / Interpreting the Geographic Locations Mentioned in the Inscriptions of the Li Gui Vessel’, Wenbo / Relics and Museolgy, no. 6, Xi’an, 2021, p. 71.
Chen Zhi, ‘Xinjian fuyi zun (gu) ming shi shi [An attempt to decipher the inscription of the newly discovered Fu Yi Zun (Gu)], Banbu xueshu shi, yiwei lixiansheng – Li Xueqin xiansheng xueshu chengjiu yu xueshu Sixiang guoji yantaohui lunwenji [Half of an Academic History Embodied in One Scholar: Proceedings of the International Symposium on the Scholarly Achievements and Intellectual Legacy of Li Xueqin], Beijing, 2021, pp 435, and Shen Pei, ‘Response to Chen Zhi’, pp 444-445 and Dong Shan, ‘Response to Chen Zhi’, pp 446-447.
Yabu Toshihiro, Liu Haiyu, trans., ‘Cong jiagu jinwen ziliao kan maoshi zhongde wanwu – yi beifeng jianxi pian wei zhongxin [From the oracle bone inscriptions, we can see the 'Wanwu' in ' Maoshi '-centered on 'Beifeng · Jianxi']’, Qingtongqi yu jinwen / Bronzes and Inscriptions, no. 7, Beijing, 2021, p. 22.
Liu Yuan, ‘Shangmo zhi xizhou zaoqi cibei yanjiu – jianming ceming zhidu de lishi yuanyuan / Study on the Bestowal of Cowrie Shells from Late Shang to Early Western Zhou Dynasty——Including Study on the Historical Origins of the System for Conferring Official, Noble, and Royal Titles’, Lishi yanjiu / Historical Research, no. 5, Beijing, 2022, p. 55.
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